
In the wake of the revelations regarding the NSA's PRISM program, in which the Federal government monitors virtually all electronic communications of the American public, self-described conservative Senator Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) explained that he was "glad" that the NSA was secretly spying on Americans. Evidently, Sen. Graham feels that he has nothing to hide.
But maybe you do, without even realizing it. According to administration talking points in response to the Guardian UK article exposing the surveillance program, the tactic is “a critical tool in protecting the United States from terrorist threats to the United States.” That sounds noble on its face, but the problem is with the broad characteristics used to describe American citizens that may constitute a "terrorist threat".
In fact, some of the listed characteristics that raise a red flag for the Feds include the traditional political ideology that gave rise to the United States of America—namely Americans who are “suspicious of centralized federal authority,” and “reverent of individual liberty”. You can find this in a Homeland Security report, Terrorism and Other Crimes in the United States, 1970-2008, the Department of Homeland Security's official 37-page report released in 2012.
The report openly states, "The goal of this program is to sponsor research that will aid the intelligence and law enforcement communities in identifying potential terrorist threats and support policymakers in developing prevention efforts."
With the recent IRS scandal, the public has already witnessed a powerful arm of the Federal government proven to have exercised illegal political discrimination as a measure of policy enforcement. With good reason, many Americans have lost faith in the agents of these government bureaucracies not to abuse its power. In other words, you bet I'm suspicious of centralized authority. After the U.S. Justice Department's total disregard for the First Amendment rights of the Associated Press as well as Eric Holder's characterization of journalist James Rosen as a potential criminal in an official subpoena, you bet I'm suspicious of government overreach. And according to the Department of Homeland Security, those very suspicions make me a potential terrorist—in other words, a potential enemy of the United States.
The current administration has already demonstrated a propensity for targeting not just viable physical threats but also its political enemies. And now we learn that the administration has vast troves of information on the political inclinations of the American public, and we are expected to believe that this same administration will use this information fairly and judiciously, and Joe Q. Public has nothing to worry about.
Well, call me crazy, but I'm not convinced our government can be trusted. I'm worried about the direction the country is headed, that of a police state, and it doesn't take a conspiracy theorist to connect all the dots. The Department of Homeland Security identifies people with my political point of view as potential enemies of the State. The NSA is actively collecting information on Americans that can identify their political inclinations. The administration is known to target its political enemies. That’s where we stand. What happens next?
I am now a U.S. citizen in a position where I fear the prying eyes of the Federal government. I'm not "glad" that the NSA is spying on my communications, even though philosophically I feel I have nothing to hide. However, I openly espouse a love of individual liberty and a healthy disdain for tyrannical authority, just like the founders of this great land. I even publish books on the subject, which makes it tough to hide. Yet these are my values, and I am not afraid of government surveillance uncovering information about something that I have done wrong. What I fear are the repercussions I may one day face for doing what I think is right.


If someone can explain to me who I've missed, then please correct me.
If you're new to this blog, then please don't jump to the conclusion that I'm a hardline right-winger who stands against everything supported by the "left". On the contrary, I'm a firm freedom-loving libertarian who agrees with the "left" on many social issues.
But I'm also a husband and new father, embarking on the long road of raising a family, and the economic headwinds caused this president's policies don't just worry me. They kind of terrify me. They keep me up at night, stressing about my family's long-term economic well-being. And I don't think this aloof, jet-setting president has the slightest inkling how destructive he is to the average working family, and how coddling he is to those that suck from the system.
REPORT: Amnesty deal opens door to trillions in new welfare spending...
90 MILLION AMERICANS OUT OF LABOR FORCE
I'll begrudgingly give a pass to the starry-eyed sheeple who voted him for president in his first term. But if you voted to re-elect this man -- and this will surely offend some people, but it's true -- then I quietly hold you responsible for contributing to our nation's downfall, as well as to the personal financial hardships that you, your friends, family and country will inevitably face in the future. When the fit hits the shan, realize that you did it to yourself, and sadly to the rest of us, too.
May God have mercy on us all.
- M. Weber
Mayor Cornelius wants to clear the way to build a new shopping mall outside Fulton Springs that would garner "a predicted $1.3 million dollars in annual tax revenue." But there's a problem: a property owner - Mr. Stonewall - doesn't want to sell. As the mayor and his staff brainstorm ways to move the old man off his property, one staffer mentions a landmark Supreme Court case: Kelo vs City of New London, CT:
"... a case decided by the Supreme Court of the United States involving the use of eminent domain to transfer land from one private owner to another private owner to further economic development. In a 5–4 decision, the Court held that the general benefits a community enjoyed from economic growth qualified private redevelopment plans as a permissible "public use" under the Takings Clause of the Fifth Amendment.
The mayor eagerly suggest that the city assert that right, but he discovers that "it's just not that simple,"as a staffer explains:
"It turns out that in the wake of the Kelo case, Alabama was actually the first state to enact new protections against local governments seizing property for private enterprise. In other words, right after the Feds gave us the green light, the state clipped our wings."
And Weber was absolutely correct. When he wrote the novel. But not now!
Here's the history:
Alabama became the first state to enact eminent domain reform after the Kelo decision, when Gov. Bob Riley (R) on August 3 signed legislation prohibiting cities and counties from using eminent domain for private development or to boost tax revenue. While property rights advocates praised the new law, they were quick to point out the state's definition of "blight" remains vague enough to allow considerable mischief.
Well, apparently the "blight" clause didn't give the legislature enough latitude and a group of North Alabama legislators decided to broaden the power of the state.
Like your house? Like your farm with its acres of open land and woodland? Better hope Toyota or Airbus or any other industry with deep pockets doesn't hanker after it, because last month the Alabama legislature and Governor Robert Bentley declared open season on private property.
Truly, it's a case where you can't even write meaningful satire because the state government keeps moving the bar.
March 28, 2013
Dear Mr. Weber,
Thank you for contacting me regarding my filibuster of John Brennan's nomination to be Director of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). I appreciate hearing your thoughts on this issue.
My filibuster was the culmination of several months of bipartisan efforts to demand accountability and transparency from the Obama Administration regarding its use of drone strikes. Since taking office, President Obama has greatly expanded the use of unmanned drones to kill suspected terrorists abroad, even going so far as to maintain a "kill list" of suspected terrorists-including some American citizens. This issue first gained prominence in September 2011, when Anwar al-Awlaki, an American citizen by birth, was killed in Yemen by a missile strike from an American drone. He had been targeted for months--long enough and publicly enough that his father actually protested in court but was not heard.
I have no sympathy for Americans who denounce their citizenship to fight against the United States, as al-Awlaki allegedly did. According to the evidence revealed to the press, al-Awlaki was by all accounts a traitor. However, he should have been tried as a traitor first.
The issue of the constitutionality of drone strikes was raised again in January 2013, when President Obama nominated Mr. Brennan to be Director of the CIA. Mr. Brennan has served as President Obama's Deputy National Security Advisor since 2009, during which time he was one of the chief architects of the Administration's kill list and policy on drone strikes.
Following Mr. Brennan's nomination, a leaked 16-page Department of Justice paper shed some additional light on the Administration's use of targeted drone strikes. The memo claimed that it is legal for the government to kill U.S. citizens abroad under three conditions: that a "high-level official" of the U.S. government determines that the individual poses an imminent threat of violent attack against the United States; that capture is not "feasible"; and that the operation would be conducted in a manner consistent with applicable law of war principles. However, the memo raised more questions than it answers, including the Administration's claim that a threat can be considered "imminent" even without evidence that it may take place "in the immediate future."
A number of my Senate colleagues and I continued to press for answers, but the Administration repeatedly refused to release details about the frequency of drone strikes and the policies that govern their use. On Jan. 25, 2013, I sent a letter to Mr. Brennan, asking detailed questions about the Administration's views on the use of lethal force against U.S. citizens, especially on American soil. In a February Senate Intelligence Committee hearing on his nomination, Mr. Brennan sidestepped many of these important questions, instead emphasizing that the Administration "has not carried out" drone strikes on U.S. citizens on American soil and "has no intention of doing so."
I was not satisfied with this response. The question that I and many others were asking was not whether the Administration had or intended to carry out drone strikes inside the United States, but whether it believed it had the authority to do so. This remains an important distinction that should not be ignored. On Feb. 20, I sent a follow-up letter to Mr. Brennan raising this very question.
On March 4, Mr. Brennan responded to my letter, stating that the CIA does not conduct lethal operations within the United States, and therefore would not have the authority to conduct drone strikes on American soil. However, a separate letter from Attorney General Eric Holder reiterated that, while the U.S. government has no intention of carrying out drone strikes on U.S. soil, that it is possible "to imagine an extraordinary circumstance in which it would be necessary and appropriate...for the President to authorize the military to use lethal force within the territory of the United States."
I was dismayed to read the Attorney General's response. His refusal to rule out the possibility of drone strikes on American citizens on American soil was frightening, and an affront to the Constitutional due process rights of all Americans. Subsequently, I took to the Senate floor to filibuster Mr. Brennan's nomination in order to sound the alarm and pressure the Administration to clarify its position and take a definitive stance on the issue.
My decision to filibuster Mr. Brennan's nomination was not about partisanship. I believe the President has discretion in whom he appoints to serve in his cabinet, and have voted in favor of several of his nominees with whom I have had serious policy disagreements. The issue at hand was much broader. There can be no ambiguity surrounding Americans' due process rights under the Constitution. If the President finds it necessary to kill people in the United States, we need rules to govern the process, and we need to know what the rules are. Anything less is a blurring of the constitutional separation of powers and an abdication of Congressional authority. There can be no liberty when we combine the legislative, executive, and judicial branches. We cannot allow the President to set the rules, and then become both judge and jury in authorizing the killing of American citizens without due process.
I was humbled and honored that such a large number of my colleagues-on both sides of the aisle-came to the Senate floor to support my efforts and join the fight to demand answers from the Administration. On March 7, the morning after my 13-hour filibuster, Attorney General Holder sent a new letter clarifying the Administration's position on the use of drones on American citizens. His letter stated that with respect to the question "'Does the President have the authority to use a weaponized drone to kill an American not engaged in combat on American soil?' The answer to that question is no."
Although long overdue, the Administration's response represents a step toward victory for due process. My filibuster led the Administration to finally go on the record and unequivocally state that it does not have the authority to kill noncombatant American citizens on American soil. While it is disconcerting that there was any ambiguity about this issue in the first place, the statement is an important affirmation of the Administration's views on our constitutional rights.
The Senate proceeded to confirm Mr. Brennan on March 7, by a vote of 63-34. However, the debate over our civil liberties and constitutional rights is far from over. The Administration needs to definitively state that it will not kill American noncombatants, regardless of geographic location. The Fifth Amendment applies to all Americans--at home and abroad--without exception. I hope my efforts continue to spur dialogue about the limits and scope of executive power and the defense of our essential liberties.
Please be assured that as I serve the Commonwealth of Kentucky in the U.S. Senate, I will continue to defend the Constitutional rights of all Americans. Thank you again for again for your message and please feel free to contact me again regarding any other federal issue.
Sincerely,
Rand Paul, MD
United States Senator
